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Taxes on Digital Financial Services in Africa: Balancing Revenue and Inclusion
In Brief:
- Several countries have introduced taxes on mobile money and other digital financial services to broaden tax revenue.
- When taxes single out digital channels, price-sensitive users may cut back or revert to cash.
- Early country experience shows usage drops and public pushbacks.
- This paper lays out a measurement framework and a policy checklist to protect small payments and keep channels neutral.
Digital Financial Services in Africa
Africa’s financial landscape has transformed over the past decade thanks to the rapid expansion of digital financial services (DFS) like mobile money and fintech innovations. Mobile money platforms have revolutionized payments and everyday finance, becoming a cornerstone of financial inclusion across the continent. In 2023, Sub-Saharan Africa alone had over 330 million active mobile money accounts. These services have extended access to payments, savings, credit, and insurance for millions who were previously unbanked or underserved, including rural and low-income populations. They are widely recognized as powerful tools for development, helping drive economic growth and reduce socio-economic inequalities.
A New Wave of Taxes on Digital Finance
Simultaneously, many African governments have set their sights on the booming digital finance sector as a potential source of much-needed public revenue. Facing pressure to expand domestic revenues and broaden narrow tax bases, policymakers have introduced taxes targeting digital financial transactions, often called “DFS taxes”. Notable examples include Ghana’s 1.5% levy on electronic transfers, including mobile money (abolished in 2025), Uganda’s 1% tax on mobile money transactions (initially applied in 2018 before later being reduced to 0.5% on withdrawals), Cameroon’s 0.2% tax on mobile money transactions, and Zimbabwe’s 2% tax on electronic money transfers. The official rationale for these taxes is the need to broaden the tax base and fund public services, for instance, by capturing economic activity from the informal sector that largely transacts outside the traditional banking system.
However, a striking feature of many DFS taxes is that they often target digital channels while sparing traditional banking transactions, raising concerns about an uneven playing field. In several countries, these levies apply to mobile money or e-wallet payments but do not extend to cash or conventional bank transfers, effectively singling out digital services. For example, Cameroon’s mobile money tax explicitly exempts bank-to-bank transfers, and Uganda’s mobile money tax applies to withdrawals via mobile platforms but not to cash withdrawals from banks. This disparity has prompted debate about fairness. Digital finance providers and users fear being penalized for going cashless, even as governments seek easy-to-collect revenue by tapping into popular mobile platforms.
Fears of Undermining Financial Inclusion
The move to tax digital financial transactions has sparked intense debate and worries about unintended consequences. A primary concern is that adding new fees or taxes will make digital services more expensive for users, which could discourage people from using mobile money and other digital payments. Many of those who have embraced mobile money, including low-income individuals and small merchants, are highly sensitive to transaction costs. If a tax raises the cost of sending money or paying bills by phone, users might revert to cash transactions or other informal channels to avoid the extra charge. In other words, taxing digital finance too heavily risks reversing the hard-won gains in financial inclusion and pushing people back out of the formal financial system.
Early evidence from countries that have implemented DFS taxes supports these concerns. In Uganda, the introduction of a 1% tax on mobile money transactions in 2018 led to an immediate backlash and behavioral change. Within two weeks, 44% of surveyed users reported reducing their mobile money usage, and 47% stopped using it entirely, opting instead for cash or bank alternatives. Transaction volumes plummeted across various services, for example, a major agricultural company that had been paying farmers via mobile money found the cost of digital payments became higher than cash and reverted to delivering cash by helicopter to remote farms. The public outcry (#ThisTaxMustGo) forced the government to backtrack. The tax was quickly revised to 0.5% and restricted to withdrawals only. Similar pushbacks have been seen elsewhere. In Ghana, debate over the new e-levy was so heated it sparked a parliamentary scuffle and widespread criticism that the levy “goes against the government’s aim of expanding financial inclusion”. In Cameroon, a popular campaign #EndMobileMoneyTax emerged in protest of the new 0.2% mobile money tax, highlighting fears that it would “hit the poorest segment of the population for whom mobile money is the only access to financial services”.
The core worry is clear. If digital payments become too costly, people may abandon them, undermining years of progress in connecting communities to formal finance. This would be a perverse outcome, as it not only harms consumers and businesses who benefited from DFS, but could also shrink the tax base in the long run (fewer digital transactions to tax). It is a delicate balance. On the one hand, governments need revenue, but on the other hand, taxation policy must be designed carefully to avoid dampening the very economic activity and inclusion that digital finance fosters.
Weighing the Trade-offs of a DFS Tax
Introducing a levy on digital transactions can achieve two objectives simultaneously. It can deliver much-needed revenue, broaden the tax base, and, if part of the proceeds is channeled back, help finance the very infrastructure that makes digital finance safer and more useful, from interoperable payment rails to stronger consumer protection. It can also nudge more activity into traceable, formal channels, improving transparency and, over time, the state’s capacity to provide services.
However, the same levy raises the everyday cost of moving small sums. That matters because many users make frequent, low-value payments and are highly sensitive to even tiny price changes. When costs climb, some scale back digital usage or return to cash. Merchant acceptance can stall, agent networks may thin as volumes fall, and providers can slow investment if margins compress. If a tax singles out mobile money while bank transfers remain cheaper, better-off users with bank access may simply switch, while those without options pay more or drop out, exacerbating inequalities the digital shift was helping to narrow.
The policy question, then, is not whether to tax at all, but what should be prioritized. Do the fiscal and formalization benefits arrive without materially undermining usage and inclusion, or do the costs land hardest on the very people digital finance was designed to serve?
Answering that requires steady, quantitative tracking. Policymakers should compare changes in digital activity before and after a tax is implemented, and compare these changes with similar places without such a levy over the same period. The lens should be practical. Are small-value payments and new adopters holding up? Have user fees changed? Are people switching to cash or bank channels? Is the agent network stable? Does revenue persist once behavior adjusts, and who bears the burden across income levels and locations? When these indicators move in the wrong direction, especially for low-income and rural users, the design needs recalibration.
Inclusion-First Tax Design for Digital Finance
An inclusion-first approach follows naturally from the evidence. Policymakers should protect small payments by introducing exemptions, thresholds, or caps so that frequent low-value users are not priced out. They should maintain neutrality between mobile money and bank transfers, because equal treatment reduces distortions and keeps people within the digital ecosystem. Priority flows such as social transfers, remittances, and micro-merchant payments deserve explicit protection, since they underpin livelihoods. Governments should reinvest a share of the proceeds in interoperability, agent networks, digital literacy programs, and user safeguards to strengthen the very ecosystem that taxation depends on. Finally, every measure should include review or sunset clauses that trigger timely rate adjustments when inclusion metrics show strain.
The guiding principle is simple. Tax thoughtfully, measure relentlessly, and reinvest consistently so that fiscal goals and financial inclusion advance together.
Dmitry Erokhin is a research scholar in the Cooperation and Transformative Governance Research Group of the Advancing Systems Analysis Program at IIASA. His work centers on digitalization and governance, using digital trace data and AI-based text analysis such as Google Trends, YouTube, and other social media platforms to study public discourse, risk perception, and participation around climate change adaptation, migration, misinformation, and disaster risk management. He is particularly interested in how digital tools can support more inclusive, participatory, and adaptive forms of governance across regions and policy fields. He holds a BSc in Economics from the University of Bonn (2018) and an MSc in Economics (2020) as well as a PhD in International Business Taxation (Economic Track, 2023) from the Vienna University of Economics and Business.